A Word To Non-Iranians  
February 22, 2026

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This post is written in response to Karl’s request for clarification, not as a reaction to his personal opinion.

Karl shared a comment written by someone else and asked:

“Is this true? I know this isn't specific to the neighbourhood, but since the protest took place here, I'd like to learn more.”

I appreciate that question.

While this topic is not specific to Willowdale, the Saturday, February 14 protest took place here, and our city councillor Lily Cheng has been fully involved in this cause. Given that Iranians represent a significant part of Willowdale’s population, I believe this background may help neighbours better understand what is happening—not only on the streets, but in the minds of Iranians who participate in such demonstrations.

A short response to the shared comment (and why it resonates)

I largely agree with the sentiment expressed in the quoted comment, but it requires historical and psychological context.

For many Iranians—especially those shaped by the last 47 years—the current visibility of monarchists is less about love for monarchy and more about desperation. When a society loses hope in its own capacity to overthrow a regime, even unrealistic options begin to feel acceptable. That doesn’t make them wise—just understandable.

The danger is that, once again, we risk repeating a familiar Iranian tragedy: confusing opposition to tyranny with endorsement of an individual. Many of us lived through this mistake before. The cost was catastrophic.

What worries me most is not monarchists as a minority voice, but the suppression of pluralism—especially silencing Women, Life, Freedom in favour of personality-centered symbolism. That path is not anti-fascist; it reproduces the very logic we claim to oppose.

Diaspora politics amplify illusions. What we see in Toronto does not cleanly map onto realities inside Iran. Large crowds do not automatically mean democratic maturity.

History has made us skeptical—for good reason.

A short historical framing (1977–2024): Why Iranian minds are conflicted

1. 1977–1979: The original illusion

In 1977, many politically active Iranians—including myself—opposed the Shah’s monarchy. At the time, it felt despotic, unaccountable, and disconnected from society. We had no idea we were about to replace an authoritarian state with a theocratic one far worse.

Only later did we understand the tragic irony: compared to the Islamic Republic, the monarchy looked like heaven.

The core mistake of 1978–79 was this:

We united around removing a ruler, not around building democratic structures.

2. 1979–2009: Survival, not revolution

After the Islamic Republic consolidated power, society entered a long phase of repression, war, executions, exile, and silence. Opposition existed, but mostly underground, fragmented, or crushed.

Every uprising failed because the regime proved willing to treat its own people as enemy combatants.

3. 2009–2019: Cycles of uprising and massacre

Roughly every 3–4 years, a new uprising emerged. Each time:

• People hoped it was the end
• The regime responded with bullets
• The world moved on

Hope slowly eroded.

4. 2022: Women, Life, Freedom

The 2022 uprising was different.

It was:

• Collective
• Leaderless
• Deeply ethical
• Globally resonant

For the first time, Women, Life, Freedom felt like a universal democratic language—not just an Iranian one.

During this moment, Reza Pahlavi became more publicly active. Many believed—perhaps naively—that the regime was nearing collapse. Nobody truly knew his long-term intentions.

5. 2023: The missed democratic moment

A serious attempt was made in Toronto to create a pluralistic leadership council, with multiple respected figures and Reza Pahlavi as one among equals.

He was the first to abandon the project.

This was a critical signal.

The 2023 movement remained democratic in spirit; the leadership trajectory did not.

6. 2024–2025: Chaos, geopolitics, and despair

The current phase is fundamentally different:

• The Gaza catastrophe
• Regional power games
• The return of Donald Trump
• Israel’s strategic interest in weakening Tehran under Benjamin Netanyahu

Inside Iran: exhaustion and terror
Outside Iran: fragmentation and illusion

Diaspora politics and internal resistance are now running on parallel but disconnected tracks.

About the 350,000-person Toronto demonstration

The number is emotionally overwhelming—but numbers alone mislead.

Many participants:

• Had never protested before in decades of living in Canada
• Do not plan to return to Iran
• Are more invested in regime change than post-regime governance

This matters.

A diaspora can be loud, wealthy, and symbolic—yet politically unreliable.

Crowds do not equal consent.
Visibility does not equal legitimacy.
And desperation does not equal wisdom.

The most dangerous line we are crossing

When any diaspora leader—or movement—invites foreign military intervention, especially from the U.S. or Israel, they cross a moral red line.

History shows us clearly:

Bombing a country does not liberate its people—it fractures them for generations.

The January massacre inside Iran, following public calls that raised false expectations, was paid for in Iranian blood, not diaspora rhetoric.

Final thought (personal, but grounded)

This is just one opinion—formed by living through the last 47 years.

We Iranians abroad are often successful as individuals, but weak as a democratic community.
We are haunted by history, traumatized by betrayal, and vulnerable to saviour figures.

That is why Women, Life, Freedom must never be subordinated to any flag, crown, or individual.

We cannot afford to fall into the same trap—again.

Precaution

For the sake of Willowdale  neighbourhood groups, I respectfully ask that comments be disabled on this post.

Thank you for respecting the spirit of this community.

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